What prompts Rebbi Meir to explain "u'min ha'Mikdash Lo Yeitzei" to mean that the Kohen Gadol should not negate his Kedushah, as we learned in our Mishnah, and not literally, like Rebbi Yehudah?
Bearing in mind the principle 'Kohanim Zerizim heim', why would the Torah need to be afraid that the Kohen Gadol, of all people, might desecrate his Kedushah and make himself Tamei, once it has forbidden him to do so?
Rebbi Meir explains "u'min ha'Mikdash Lo Yeitzei" to mean that the Kohen Gadol should not negate his Kedushah, as we learned in our Mishnah, and not literally, like Rebbi Yehudah - because according to Rebbi Yehudah (who forbids him to go to the Levayah at all), the Torah could just as well have written "u'mi'Beiso Lo Yeitzei". Why does it need to mention "Mikdash"?
In spite of the principle 'Kohanim Zerizim Heim', the Torah is afraid that even the Kohen Gadol might - in his anguish, inadvertently desecrate his Kedushah and make himself Tamei, even though it has forbidden him to do so.
Our Mishnah explains how the S'gan walks on the outside of the Kohen Gadol as he walks past the Aveilim. The Beraisa describes a slightly different scenario. According to the latter, who else walks with the S'gan on his right?
The Rosh Beis-Av walks on his left, between the Kohen Gadol and the Aveilim and the people. Who is ...
... the Rosh Beis-Av?
... the Mashu'ach she'Avar?
When the Kohen Gadol is an Aveil too, the S'gan stands on his right as the people file past him. Of the two who stand on his left when he comforts others, which one is missing here? Why is that?
Rav Papa extrapolates three things from this Beraisa: 1. that the S'gan and the Memunah are one and the same; 2. that the Aveilim stand still and the people file past them. What is the third thing?
Our Mishnah describes how the S'gan walks on the outside of the Kohen Gadol as he walked past the Aveilim. According to the Beraisa - the Mashu'ach she'Avar walks with the S'gan on his right.
The Rosh Beis-Av walks on his left, between the Kohen Gadol and the Aveilim and the people. The ...
... Rosh Beis-Av is - the chief of the group of Kohanim that serves in the Beis-Hamikdash on that day.
... Mashu'ach she'Avar is - the deputy Kohen Gadol who once stood in for the Kohen Gadol on Yom Kipur when he became Tamei and was unable to serve that year.
When the Kohen Gadol is an Aveil too, the S'gan stands on his right as the people file past him. Of the two who stand on his left when he comforts others - the Mashu'ach she'Avar is missing here, because the Kohen Gadol might instinctively feel that (having forced him to stand down after he became Tahor) he the Mashu'ach ...) is quietly smirking at his misfortune.
Rav Papa extrapolates three things from this Beraisa: 1. that the S'gan and the Memuneh are one and the same; 2. that the Aveilim stand still and the people file past them - and 3. that the mourners stand on the left of the comforters.
Nowadays, we do the reverse, and it is the Aveilim who walk in between two rows formed by the comforters (as we pointed out in the Mishnah). What brought about this change of custom?
According to Rami bar Aba, one of the things Rebbi Yossi instigated in Tzipori was to revert to the original custom. What did he instigate with regard to ...
... a woman taking her son for a walk on the main road?
... about women in the bathroom that is situated in a field?
Rebbi Yashiyah Rabah informed Rebbi Menashya bar Avas in the graveyard of Hutzal that a Shurah requires ten people. Does this include the Aveilim at a time when the mourners ...
... stand still and the comforters file past them?
... file past the comforters?
Nowadays, we do the reverse, and it is the Aveilim who walk in between two rows formed by the comforters. This change of custom came about, the Beraisa tells - following a squabble between two families in Yerushalayim as to who should file past the mourners first.
According to Rami bar Aba, one of the things Rebbi Yossi instigated in Tzipori was to revert to the original custom. He also instigated that ...
... a woman taking her son for a walk on the main road - should let him walk in front of her (and not behind her [because of an incident that once occurred, where evil men abducted a woman's son from behind her, and subsequently used it as a means to lure her to a secluded spot in order to rape her]).
... women should make a point of conversing in the bathrooms in the fields, to avoid the possibility of men walking in inadvertently and transgressing the laws of Yichud.
Rebbi Yashiyah the great informed Rebbi Menashya bar Avas in the graveyard of Hutzal that a Shurah requires ten people - excluding the Aveilim, irrespective of whether the mourners ...
... stand still and the comforters file past them, or whether they ...
... file past the comforters.
According to the Beraisa, what does the Kohen Gadol say after a Levayah?
How do we know that the Tana is not referring to his reply to those who comfort him?
What does this therefore come to teach us?
According to the Beraisa, after a Levayah - the Kohen Gadol says 'Tisnechamu' ('be comforted').
The Tana cannot be referring to his reply to those who comfort him - because that would be a terrible curse (insinuating that one of the comforter's relations should die).
It must therefore be coming to teach us that - this is what a Kohen Gadol says to an Aveil.
The Pasuk in Yirmiyah writes "Beis David Koh Amar Hash-m, Dinu la'Boker Mishpat". How does Rav Yosef extrapolate from there that a king can be judged?
How does he then reconcile this with our Mishnah, which precludes a king from either judging or being judged?
The prohibition of a King of Yisrael to judge or to be judged was the result of an episode that took place during the time of the second Beis-Hamikdash. Which king did it involve?
Why did Shimon ben Shetach call him to court? Why could he not pass sentence without him?
The Pasuk in Yirmiyah writes "Beis David Koh Amar Hash-m, Dinu la'Boker Mishpat", from which Rav Yosef extrapolates that a king can be judged - because otherwise, how could he possibly judge others (as we learned on the previous Daf in the name of Resh Lakish)?
And he reconciles this with our Mishnah, which precludes a king from either judging or being judged - by establishing the Mishnah by a king of Yisrael, whereas he is speaking about one of the Malchei Beis David.
The prohibition of a King of Yisrael to judge or to be judged was the result of an episode that took place during the time of the second Beis-Hamikdash - involving Yanai Hamelech.
Shimon ben Shetach called him to court - because his Eved had killed someone, and the Torah says "ve'Hu'ad bi'Ve'alav" (obligating the master of the damager to come and 'stand by his ox').
Which two things do we learn from the Pasuk "v*e'Amdu ha'Anashim* asher Lahem ha'Riv Lifnei Hash-m"?
Why did Yanai Hamelech continue to remain seated even after Shimon ben Shetach ordered him to stand?
What was the reaction of the other judges to the king's challenge?
What was Shimon ben Shetach's response to the judges' irresponsible behavior?
And how did Hash-m respond to that?
We learn from the Pasuk "v*e'Amdu ha'Anashim* asher Lahem ha'Riv Lifnei Hash-m" - that a. litigants are obligated to stand and b. they are standing not only before Beis-Din, but before Hash-m, too (since Hash-m is present when Beis-Din sits, as we learned in Pirkei Avos).
Yanai Hamelech continued to remain seated even after Shimon ben Shetach ordered him to stand - because he was waiting to hear what the other judges would say.
The reaction of the other judges to the king's challenge was - to bury their faces in the ground out of fear of Yanai.
Shimon ben Shetach's response to the judges' irresponsible behavior was - to accuse them of being 'great thinkers' (see Agados Maharsha), and to ask the Master of Thoughts to punish them.
Hash-m responded to that - by sending the Angel Gavriel, who knocked them into the ground, killing them all.
What distinction does Rav Ashi draw between a Nasi (of Beis-Din) and a king foregoing their Kavod?
How do we reconcile this with Rebbi Yehudah, who permits a king to perform Yibum or Chalitzah (as we learned in our Mishnah)?
How do the Rabbanan interpret the Pasuk "ve'es Neshei Adonecha be'Cheikecha", from which Rebbi Yehudah proves that a king may marry the Almanah of a king (as we learned in our Mishnah)?
Rav Ashi permits a Nasi (of Beis-Din) to forego his Kavod, but not a king.
Rebbi Yehudah nevertheless permits a king to perform Yibum or Chalitzah (as we learned in our Mishnah) - because the prohibition does not apply to a Mitzvah.
The Rabbanan interpret the Pasuk "ve'es Neshei Adonecha be'Cheikecha" (from which Rebbi Yehudah proves that a king may marry the Almanah of a king, as we learned in our Mishnah) to mean (not, 'the wives of your master', but) - 'the women ... ', with specific reference to Shaul's two daughters Meirav and Michal.
When Rebbi Yossi's Talmidim asked him how David could possibly have married two sisters, he replied that David must have married Michal only after Meirav's death. How does Rebbi Yehoshua ben Korchah resolve the problem?
Why was that?
What happened to Meirav after that?
How does Rav explain Rebbi Yehoshua ben Korchah's proof for this from the Pasuk in Shmuel "T'nah es Ishti es Michal asher Erasti li be'Me'ah Orlos P'lishtim"?
When Rebbi Yossi's Talmidim asked him how David could possibley have married two sisters, he replied that David must have married Michal only after Meirav's death. According to Rebbi Yehoshua ben Korchah, David's betrothal to Meirav was void ...
... because it was based on a loan (the wealth Shaul had promised David, and which David had agreed to forego in return for Meirav) - and the Halachah is that 'ha'Mekadesh be'Milveh Einah Mekudeshes'.
After that, Shaul took Meirav - and gave her to Adriel ha'Mecholasi.
Rav explains Rebbi Yehoshua ben Korchah's proof for this from the Pasuk "T'nah es Ishti es Michal asher Erasti Li be'Me'ah Orlos P'lishtim" as - the inference from "es Ishti Michal", 've'Lo Meirav Ishti'.
To whom did Shaul give Michal after having betrothed her to David?
Why did he do that? What did a hundred Orlos of P'lishtim have to do with it?
Then why did David believe his betrothal to be valid?
What is the basis of their Machlokes, assuming that they both held 'ha'Mekadesh be'Milveh u'Perutah, Da'atah a'Perutah'?
After having betrothed her to David , Shaul gave Michal to - Palti ben Layish ...
... because, even though he had added a hundred Orlos of P'lishtim to the loan which he asked as Kidushin money - he maintained that 'ha'Mekadesh be'Milveh u'Perutah, Da'atah a'Milveh' (the woman's mind is on the [more valuable] loan).
David believed his betrothal to be valid however - because he held that in such a case, Da'atah a'Perutah' (because a bird in the hand is worth two in the bush').
Assuming that they both held 'ha'Mekadesh be'Milveh u'Perutah, Da'atah a'Perutah', the basis of their Machlokes is - whether a hundred Orlos is worth anything (David), because they can be fed to cats and dogs, or not (Shaul).
What is now the problem with Rebbi Yossi (who holds that David married Michal after the death of Meirav her sister) vis-a-vis the Pasuk "T'nah es Ishti es Michal"?
We answer this by first presenting another problem, based on the Pasuk which speaks about the two sons of Ritzpah bas Ayah (one of Shaul's wives) plus the five sons of Michal, whom Shaul had given to Adrichal ha'Mecholasi. What problem do we have with this Pasuk?
How does Rebbi Yossi explain this 'mixed-up' Pasuk?
How does this help us to understand Rebbi Yossi's interpretation of the Pasuk "T'nah es Ishti es Michal"?
Rebbi Yehoshua ben Korchah declines to learn the Kidushin of Meirav from a Pasuk that talks about Michal. So how does he explain the fact that the Pasuk mentions Michal when it is really speaking about the sons of Meirav?
The problem with Rebbi Yossi (who holds that David married Michal after the death of Meirav her sister) is - how Rebbi Yossi explains the inference from "T'nah es Ishti es Michal".
We answer this by first presenting another problem, based on the Pasuk which speaks about the two sons of Ritzpah bas Ayah (one of Shaul's wives) plus the five sons of Michal, whom Shaul had given to Adrichal ha'Mecholasi, which is not correct, seeing as he had given her to Palti ben Layish!
Rebbi Yossi explains - that the Pasuk comes to compare the Kidushin of Meirav to that of Michal, inasmuch as just as the Kidushin of the latter was invalid, so too, was the Kidushin of the former (seeing as she was already betrothed to David).
Consequently, he Darshens from the Pasuk "T'nah es Ishti es Michal" that - just as Michal was his wife, so too, was Meirav (before she died).
Rebbi Yehoshua ben Korchah declines to learn the Kidushin of Meirav from a Pasuk that talks about Michal. Therefore, in his opinion, the Pasuk mentions Michal when it is really speaking about the sons of Meirav - to teach us the principle that someone who brings up somebody else's children is considered as if they were his/her children.
What does Rebbi Chanina learn from the Pasuk in Rus (in connection with the birth of Rus' son Oved) "va'Tikrenah lo ha'Shecheinos Shem leimor Yulad ben le'Naomi"?
Rebbi Yochanan learns it from a Pasuk in Divrei Hayamim "ve'Ishto ha'Yehudiyah Yaldah es Yered, Avigdor ... Eileh B'nei Bisya bas Paroh, asher Lakach Mered". Who was "Yered, Avigdor ... "?
Why was ...
... Kalev (Bisya's husband) called "Mered"?
... Bisyah referred to as "Yehudiyah?
How does Rebbi Yochanan learn Rebbi Yehoshua ben Korchah's principle from this Pasuk?
And how does Rebbi Elazar learn it from the Pasuk in Tehilim "Ga'alta bi'Zero'a Amecha, B'nei Ya'akov ve'Yosef Selah"?
Rebbi Chanina learns from the Pasuk in Rus (in connection with the birth of Rus' son Oved) "va'Tikrenah Lo ha'Shechenos Shem leimor Yulad ben le'Naomi" - the same principle that Rebbi Yehoshua ben Korchah just learned from Michal.
Rebbi Yochanan learns it from the Pasuk "ve'Ishto ha'Yehudiyah Yaldah es Yered, Avigdor ... Eileh B'nei Bisya bas Paroh, asher Lakach Mered". "Yered, Avigdor ... " - are two of the names of Moshe.
The reason that ...
... Kalev (Bisya's husband) was called "Mered" is - because he rebelled against the spies.
... Bisyah is referred to as "Yehudiyah is - because she denounced idolatry and converted, and anyone who denounces idolatry adopts the title of 'Yehudi'.
Rebbi Yochanan learns Rebbi Yehoshua ben Korchah's principle from this Pasuk - from the fact that it refers to Moshe as Bisya's son (because she brought him up).
And Rebbi Elazar learns it from the Pasuk "Ga'alta bi'Zero'a Amecha, B'nei Ya'akov ve'Yosef Selah" - where it refers to Yisrael as Yosef's children, because he sustained them.
What is the problem with the Pasuk in Bamidbar "ve'Eileh Toldos Aharon u'Mosheh"?
So what does Rebbi Shmuel bar Nachmeni amar Rebbi Yonasan learn from there?
Since we do not find anywhere that Ya'akov redeemed Avraham, what does the Pasuk in Yeshayah mean when it writes that he did?
What does the Pasuk there mean when it writes ...
... "Lo atah Yevosh Ya'akov"? To whom is it referring?
... "ve'Lo Atah Panav Yechvaru"?
The problem with the Pasuk "ve'Eileh Toldos Aharon u'Mosheh" is that - it goes on to list the sons of Aharon, but not those of Moshe.
Rebbi Shmuel bar Nachmeni Amar Rebbi Yonasan learns from there - that someone who teaches his friend's son Torah is considered as if he had conceived him.
Since we do not find anywhere that Ya'akov redeemed Avraham, when the Pasuk in Yeshayah writes that he did - it means that he relieved him from the onus of rearing twelve children, which he was originally meant to shoulder (see also Tosfos).
When the Pasuk there writes ...
... "Lo atah Yevosh Ya'akov", it means that - Ya'akov need not be embarrassed before Yitzchak his father, and ...
... "ve'Lo atah Panav Yechvaru", it means that - he does not need to be embarrassed before Avraham (see Agados Maharsha).
How does Rebbi Yochanan explain the fact that the Pasuk sometimes refers to Palti ben Layish as 'Paltiel'?
Knowing that Michal was betrothed to David, what did he do to avoid sinning?
Then why does the Pasuk in Shmuel describe how, when she was taken back to David, he followed her in tears?
What is the significance of the place-name 'Bachurim', where he turned back?
Rebbi Yochanan explains that the Pasuk sometimes refers to Palti ben Layish as 'Paltiel' - because 'Hashem (perhaps based on Chazal 'If not for Divine assistance, it would be impossible to resist the Yeitzer-Hara') saved him from sinning.
Knowing that Michal was betrothed to David, to avoid sinning - he placed a sword between himself and Michal each night, and declared that whichever of them would succumb to the evil inclination, would be pierced by it.
When the Pasuk describes how, when she was taken back to David, he followed her in tears - those were not tears of sorrow at losing a wife, but of losing the trial of temptation.
The significance of the place-name 'Bachurim' where he turned back is that - they both remained bachelor and virgin (respectfully) after their parting.
What does Rebbi Yochanan mean when he says ...
... 'Tokfo shel Yosef Invesanuso shel Bo'az'? In what way was Bo'az greater than Yosef?
... 'Tokfo shel Bo'az Invesanuso shel Palti ben Layish? In what way was Palti greater than Bo'az?
What does the Pasuk in Rus mean when it writes "Vay'hi ba'Chatzi ha'Laylah, Vayecherad ha'Ish Vayilafes"?
Rebbi Yochanan explains the Pasuk in "Eishes Chayil" (in Mishlei). Whom did Shlomoh have in mind when he wrote ...
... "Rabos Banos Asu Chayil"?
... "ve'At Alis al Kulanah"?
And according to Rebbi Shmuel bar Nachmeni Amar Rebbi Yonasan, whom did Shlomoh have in mind when he wrote ...
... "Sheker ha'Chein"?
... "ve'Hevel ha'Yofi"?
... "Ishah Yir'as Hash-m hi Sis'halal"?
When Rebbi Yochanan says ...
... 'Tokfo shel Yosef Inv'sanuso shel Bo'az', he means to say that Bo'az was that much greater than Yosef - inasmuch as whereas Yosef was dealing with a married woman, Boaz was dealing with a Penuyah, and what's more, she was lying on the same bed as him.
... 'Tokfo shel Bo'az Invesanuso shel Palti ben Layish he means that Palti was that much greater than Boaz - inasmuch as the latter only went through the Nisayon once, whereas he had to live with it for a number of years.
When the Pasuk writes "Vay'hi ba'Chatzi ha'Laylah, Vayecherad ha'Ish Vayilafes" - it means that his Eiver Tashmish became hard like the tip of a Lefes (a turnip).
Rebbi Yochanan explains the Pasuk in "Eishes Chayil". When Shlomoh wrote ...
... "Rabos Banos Asu Chayil", he had in mind - Yosef and Boaz.
... "ve'At Alis al Kulanah", he had in mind - Palti ben Layish.
And according to Rebbi Shmuel bar Nachmeni Amar Rebbi Yonasan, when Shlomoh wrote ...
... "Sheker ha'Chein", he had in mind - Yosef.
... "ve'Hevel ha'Yofi" , he had in mind Boaz.
... "Ishah Yir'as Hash-m hi Sis'halal" - he had in mind Palti ben Layish.
According to others, "Sheker ha'Chein" refers to the generation of Moshe, and "ve'Hevel ha'Yofi", to that of Yehoshua. To which generation then, does "Ishah Yir'as Hasham hi Sis'halal" refer? In which context was this said?
According to yet others, "Sheker ha'Chein" refers to the generation of Moshe and Aharon, and "ve'Hevel ha'Yofi", to that of Chizkiyah, whereas "Ishah Yir'as Hash-m hi Sis'halal" refers to the generation of Rebbi Yehudah b'Rebbi Ila'i. What was so special about his generation? What did they say about the Talmidim that lived then?
According to others, "Sheker ha'Chein" refers to the generation of Moshe, "ve'Hevel ha'Yofi", to that of Yehoshua, and "Ishah Yir'as Hash-m hi Sis'halal" - to the generation of Chizkiyahu Hamelech, whose generation learned Torah even more intensely than the previous two (as we will learn in Cheilek, where Chazal describe how they searched from Dan to Be'er-Sheva, but were unable to find an Am ha'Aretz).
According to yet others, "Sheker ha'Chein" refers to the generation of Moshe and Aharon, and "ve'Hevel ha'Yofi", to that of Chizkiyah, whereas "Ishah Yir'as Hash-m hi Sis'halal" refers to the generation of Rebbi Yehudah b'Rebbi Ila'i - who studied Torah with immense self-sacrifice, and out of extreme poverty (as was said about the Talmidim in his generation, that six of them would share one cloak as they studied Torah).